THE LOSS OF ULQIN 1880
Scientific Monograph by Flamur Buçpapaj
INTRODUCTION
The loss of Ulqin in 1880 represents a key event in 19th-century Albanian history, not only as a territorial loss but also as a reflection of the weakness of the Ottoman Empire, the absence of Albanian statehood, and the pressure from the Great Powers. This study analyzes the causes, consequences, Albanian resistance, historical responsibilities, and long-term ramifications. Through a historical-critical and comparative approach, the monograph aims to present a balanced overview of the events leading to the surrender of Ulqin and its lasting consequences.
METHODOLOGY
This study is based on historical-critical analysis, utilizing Ottoman, European, and Albanian archival sources, contemporary historiography, diplomatic reports, and period press. The method combines the interpretation of original documents with comparative analysis to provide a comprehensive overview of the political, military, and social factors that influenced the loss of Ulqin.
HISTORICAL CONTEXT (1875–1878)
The Eastern Crisis of 1875–1878 forms the backdrop against which Albanians faced the challenge of losing Ulqin. Uprisings by Slavic peoples against the Ottoman Empire, instigated and supported by Russia, created a new diplomatic and military reality in the Balkans. The weakened Ottoman Empire, challenged by territorial losses and internal revolts, could not ensure the stable protection of Albanian lands.
The Treaty of San Stefano of 1878, negotiated between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, envisaged the partition of Albanian territories in favor of the South Slavs, including Ulqin, disregarding the fact that these lands were historically and ethnically Albanian. This treaty represents a moment when the Great Powers prioritized their interests over the historical and ethnic rights of the Balkan peoples.
The loss of Ottoman authority, combined with the intervention of foreign powers, created tremendous pressure on the Albanians, who, although organized at several levels, lacked a state to protect them.
THE CONGRESS OF BERLIN AND THE DENIAL OF THE ALBANIAN QUESTION
The Congress of Berlin (June–July 1878) was a turning point for the Albanians. The Great Powers – Austria-Hungary, Britain, France, Russia, and Germany – convened to review the decisions of San Stefano. Their primary aim was to maintain the balance of power in the Balkans and curb Russian expansion, completely ignoring Albanian interests.
Ulqin, which had strategic importance as a port and control point over the Adriatic, was assigned to Montenegro. This decision was made without any consultation with the Albanian population and constitutes the clearest example of the denial of Albanian historical and ethnic rights.
In response, the League of Prizren was formed, a political and military organization aiming to defend Albanian lands and preserve territorial integrity. However, its power remained limited in the face of international pressure and lack of recognition as a legitimate actor.
ULQIN: ALBANIAN IDENTITY, STRATEGY, AND ETHNIC REALITY
Ulqin was a city with an Albanian majority, with a rich cultural and commercial history. Its social structure consisted of residents closely connected to Shkodër and surrounding regions, creating a strong socio-economic network. The role of the port of Ulqin was strategic, not only for trade but also for controlling the Adriatic coast.
Ethnically, the city and surrounding area were predominantly inhabited by Muslim and Catholic Albanians. Local traditions, institutions, and national consciousness were well-developed, making any foreign intervention a direct challenge to the community’s identity.
Analysis of the social and economic structure demonstrates that the surrender of Ulqin was not liberation, but an imposed occupation accompanied by administrative and demographic changes that would follow in the decades to come.
THE LEAGUE OF PRIZREN AND THE NATIONAL PROGRAM (1878–1881)
The League of Prizren was established in June 1878 as a reaction to the threats posed by the Congress of Berlin. It represented a politically and militarily organized structure, with decision-making bodies and representatives from Albanian vilayets. Its program aimed to preserve territorial integrity within the Ottoman Empire, with administrative autonomy and ethnic recognition.
The League undertook concrete measures to defend Ulqin, mobilizing volunteer forces from Shkodër and surrounding areas, creating supply structures, and organizing resistance. League representatives sent memoranda to the Porte and European consulates, opposing the surrender of the city.
However, its limitations were significant. The League was not internationally recognized, while the Ottoman Porte harbored doubts and secret hostilities. This weakened its capacity to act with full autonomy, placing Ulqin in a critical situation.
ALBANIAN RESISTANCE IN ULQIN (1878–1880)
Albanian resistance was organized and widespread. The residents of Ulqin and volunteer forces from surrounding areas created defensive structures, secured supplies, and coordinated military actions. The city’s population rejected any attempts to impose Montenegrin administration.
Diplomatic reports show that international pressure was decisive. The Great Powers demanded immediate implementation of the Berlin decisions, while the Ottoman Porte could not support the resistance. The loss of Ulqin occurred not due to military defeat but because of diplomatic isolation and the intervention of the Great Powers.
DIPLOMACY OF THE GREAT POWERS AND THE MECHANISM OF ULQIN’S SURRENDER (1878–1880)
The surrender of Ulqin was decided at European diplomatic tables. The Great Powers used the city as a bargaining chip to satisfy Montenegrin interests, while Albanians remained unrepresented. The naval presence of the Great Powers along the Albanian coast constituted a direct threat.
The weakened Ottoman Porte, under international pressure, agreed to surrender Ulqin, violating the rights of Albanians to self-determination. This episode demonstrates that the loss of the city was a product of international diplomacy rather than Albanian military capabilities.
WHY ALBANIAN LAND WAS “SOLD” – HISTORICAL RESPONSIBILITIES
Responsibility for the loss of Ulqin is multifaceted:
Ottoman Porte’s fault: Treating Albanian territory as administrative property, lack of autonomy, and instrumentalizing the Albanians.
Great Powers’ fault: Selective application of self-determination principles and prioritizing strategic interests over historical rights.
Albanian fault: Lack of political unity and an organized elite that could support a united national front.
CENTURY-LONG CONSEQUENCES OF THE LOSS OF ULQIN
The loss of Ulqin created a precedent of injustice, economic loss, cultural assimilation, and population displacement. However, this event also served as a political awakening, raising awareness about the need for statehood, unity, and strong diplomacy. Ulqin remains a symbol of sacrifice and the need to defend national rights.
CONCLUSION
The loss of Ulqin in 1880 was not merely a loss of territory but a loss of historical and political opportunities. Analysis shows that the injustice imposed by foreign powers, Ottoman weakness, and the lack of Albanian unity produced an event with long-term consequences that continue to influence national memory.
SCIENTIFIC REFERENCES
Archival Sources
Actes du Congrès de Berlin (1878)
Archive of the Ottoman Ministry of Foreign Affairs (BOA, Istanbul)
British Foreign Office Records (FO 78, FO 195)
Archives du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Paris
Austro-Hungarian Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna
Albanian Historiography
6. Kristo Frashëri, Lidhja Shqiptare e Prizrenit
7. Skënder Rizaj, Ulqini në historinë shqiptare
8. Selami Pulaha, Shqiptarët dhe Perandoria Osmane
9. Pëllumb Xhufi, Nga mesjeta në Rilindjen Kombëtare
10. Academy of Sciences of Albania, Historia e Popullit Shqiptar, Vol. II
Foreign Historiography
11. Noel Malcolm, Kosovo: A Short History
12. Barbara Jelavich, History of the Balkans
13. Stavrianos L.S., The Balkans since 1453
14. Mark Mazower, The Balkans
Period Press and Contemporary Testimonies
15. The Times (London), 1879–1880
16. Le Figaro, La Presse, Neue Freie Presse
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