ALBANIA ON THE THRESHOLD OF A NEW ERA: AFTER 35 YEARS, THE TIME HAS COME TO BUILD THE STATE WE DESERVE
ALBANIA ON THE THRESHOLD OF A NEW ERA: AFTER 35 YEARS, THE TIME HAS COME TO BUILD THE STATE WE DESERVE
The National Flag Has Returned to Pristina
By Flamur Buçpapaj
Thirty-five years after the fall of communism, Albania is facing a new historic moment. More than three decades have passed since the time when Albanians emerged from the one-party system with the hope of building a democratic, free, just, and strong state. During these years, the country has changed, society has opened up, new generations have grown up in a different reality, and Albania has become part of Euro-Atlantic structures. Yet, alongside these achievements, a question remains that cannot be avoided: have we truly built the state we deserve?
Today’s Albania is freer than the Albania of 1990, but political freedom alone is not enough to create a strong state. A strong state requires trustworthy institutions, a functioning justice system, a professional administration, a productive economy, modern defense capabilities, active diplomacy, and a national vision that does not change every time the government changes. After 35 years of transition, Albania must move from the politics of survival to the politics of building state power.
One of the greatest problems is that Albanian politics has often remained focused on the struggle for power, while the long-term interests of the state and society have been pushed into the background. Democracy cannot be only a periodic vote. Democracy must mean the rule of law, genuine competition, accountability, independent institutions, and opportunities for new generations to participate in governing the country. Albania needs a new political culture in which the state stands above the party, the law above the individual, and the public interest above narrow political interests.
But the weakness of the Albanian state is not only a matter of domestic politics. It is directly connected to the weight Albania carries in the region and on the international stage. Albania is a member of NATO and part of the Euro-Atlantic community, a strategic achievement that must be preserved and further developed. But membership in an alliance does not replace the responsibility to build national capabilities. A serious state must have a strong economy, a modern military, professional diplomacy, energy security, a capable administration, and institutions that continue to function even in times of crisis.
Within this framework, the Albanian national question must also be viewed. For many years, it has been addressed primarily through emotions, slogans, and political declarations. But the twenty-first century requires a different approach. National unification should begin with the unification of capabilities. Albania and Kosovo should build a strategic partnership in the fields of economy, energy, education, culture, infrastructure, technology, and diplomacy. This should not be a policy directed against neighboring countries, nor a project of conflict. On the contrary, a more economically, culturally, and institutionally integrated Albanian space can be a factor of stability in the Balkans.
The Albanian national flag has a special meaning in our history. It is a symbol of identity, memory, and the sacrifices of generations. After a long history of division and repression, the national flag returned to Pristina as a powerful symbol of Albanian identity and of the connection among Albanians. But today we must ask the most important question: what should we build after the symbol? Because the flag is powerful as a sign of identity, but behind the flag there must be the state, the law, the economy, education, culture, diplomacy, and institutions.
This is why national unification in the twenty-first century should not be understood only as a matter of borders. It should be understood as a long-term process of uniting Albanian potential. A more integrated market, joint energy projects, interconnected infrastructure, universities working together, joint scientific research, a broader cultural space, and more coordinated diplomacy would give Albanians much greater weight in the region and in Europe.
Kosovo is a central part of this space. Albania cannot view Kosovo merely as a symbolic issue or as a closed chapter of history. The security, development, and consolidation of Kosovo are directly important to regional stability. Tirana and Pristina should maintain permanent strategic communication and build joint mechanisms of cooperation, while respecting the sovereignty, constitutions, and international obligations of each state.
This reality also includes the challenge of The Hague. The proceedings before the Kosovo Specialist Chambers are an extremely sensitive issue for Albanian society and require a serious legal approach. If Albanians want to defend their historical truth, they must do so through evidence, documents, expertise, and law. It is not enough to say that evidence has been manipulated; it must be proven. It is not enough to call a witness false; contradictions must be documented and presented in the proceedings. It is not enough to claim that a document came from Belgrade; its source, origin, method of acquisition, chain of custody, and authenticity must be established.
Here Albania and Kosovo should seriously consider the creation of a specialized historical and legal structure to collect, document, and analyze materials relating to the history of Kosovo and the 1998–1999 war. Archives should be digitized, documents catalogued, testimonies preserved, materials compared, and every claim examined by experts. Such an institution should be neither propagandistic nor a political instrument. It should be scientific, professional, and independent. Only such work can give Albanian documentation greater weight in international institutions.
If there have been pieces of evidence obtained in Belgrade, if there have been contradictory testimonies, if there have been individuals who have received asylum or protection in different countries, and if these circumstances have any legal connection with the proceedings, then everything should be investigated and documented. But this is precisely where the difference lies between a political campaign and a state strategy: the state should not shout louder; it should prove better. Documentation must be stronger than propaganda, expertise stronger than emotion, and law stronger than political pressure.
This approach should also extend to national history. For many decades, Albanians have faced problems in preserving, organizing, and presenting their historical documents. Albanian and Kosovar archives should cooperate more closely. Universities should establish research programs on modern Albanian history. Researchers should have access to documents. Documents should be translated and made known in international languages as well. Because in the modern world, a history that is not properly documented risks being interpreted by others.
Another element of national power is the diaspora. Millions of Albanians live in the United States, Europe, and other parts of the world. They should not be viewed only as people who send money to their families. The Albanian diaspora is an economic, intellectual, professional, cultural, and diplomatic asset. Albanians in the United States can serve as powerful bridges with American institutions; Albanians in Europe can contribute to relations with European institutions; and Albanian professionals abroad can bring knowledge, capital, and technology to Albania and Kosovo.
But a nation cannot be strong without an economy. The security of private property, respect for contracts, the fight against corruption, and the creation of a trustworthy investment climate must be foundations of the Albanian state. Albania must produce more, export more, and develop energy, industry, technology, modern agriculture, and infrastructure. An economy based primarily on consumption and services cannot create the power necessary for a state that seeks to have weight in the region.
Education, science, and culture must become part of this strategy. Albanian universities should establish stronger links with universities in Kosovo and with the diaspora. Scientific research should be funded, history should be documented, Albanian literature should be translated, and a more active cultural diplomacy should be created. An Albanian book published in foreign languages, an Albanian scholar working at an important Western university, or an Albanian film presented at an international festival can create an influence that a political declaration cannot.
Therefore, Albania needs a long-term national plan. This plan should be based on strengthening the state and justice system, economic development, modernization of defense and security, strengthening diplomacy, a strategic partnership with Kosovo, the inclusion of the diaspora, and the protection of the Albanian language, history, and culture.
After 35 years, we should not think only about what we have achieved. We must also think about what we have lost, what we have neglected, and what we must build. The generation of 1990 opened the door to freedom. Today’s generation must build the institutions that will make that freedom lasting.
Albania does not need another endless transition. It needs a new era of state-building.
A state where the law stands above politics. A state where property is secure. A state where investors do not fear the administration. A state where citizens trust justice. A state where the military is modern. A state where diplomacy is professional. A state where universities produce knowledge. A state where Albanian culture has a place in the world.
And above all, a state that understands that the national interest is not defended only with words, but with institutions.
The national flag has returned to Pristina. Now we must build the strength that must stand behind it.
Not a power to threaten others, but a power to protect the citizen, the state, history, and national dignity.
Not conflict-driven nationalism, but institutional patriotism.
Not propaganda, but documentation.
Not revenge, but justice.
Not isolation, but alliances.
Not weakness, but institutions.
This is Albania’s challenge after 35 years.
This is the time to build the state we deserve.
And this state cannot be built by only one party, one government, or one generation. It must be built by a society that has decided to finally move beyond transition and enter a new era of state-building, development, and national dignity.
But this new era must not remain merely a political declaration. It must become a concrete national project, with measurable objectives and clearly defined responsibilities. Albania must develop a strategy for the next 20–30 years, one that does not change with electoral cycles and does not depend on the will of one party or one individual. Such a strategy must define what kind of Albania we want to have in 2040, in 2050, and beyond.
We must build a state where the public administration does not change every time political power changes hands. Professional civil servants must be protected from political interference, while corruption must be addressed through institutions and stable procedures. Only a professional administration can guarantee the continuity of the state.
We must build a justice system that citizens can trust. Justice must not be a privilege of the powerful, the wealthy, or political actors. It must be equal for everyone. Without justice, there are no secure investments, no sustainable economy, and no consolidated democracy.
We must protect private property and investment. Albania needs both domestic and foreign capital, but capital requires security. A contract must have value. Property must have legal security. An entrepreneur must know that the state will not arbitrarily change the rules.
We must build an economy that does not lose its young people. Albania cannot accept the departure of its youth as a permanent fate. A country that loses thousands of professionals, students, doctors, engineers, technology specialists, and entrepreneurs every year loses part of its national strength. For this reason, economic development must be directly linked to creating jobs with decent wages and real opportunities for professional advancement.
We must build an energy-secure Albania. Energy is national security. Hydropower plants, solar energy, wind energy, and modern grids should be developed on professional foundations, while respecting the environment and the public interest. Albania has significant energy potential and must transform it into an economic and strategic advantage.
We must build infrastructure that connects Albanians. Roads, railways, ports, airports, digital networks, and energy corridors are not merely economic projects. They are also instruments of national and regional integration.
We must strengthen national defense within the Euro-Atlantic alliance. Albania should have modern capabilities, trained personnel, technology, cyber defense, and a security industry. An allied state must be capable of contributing to collective security and protecting its territory and citizens.
We must build an Albanian diplomacy that works every day, not only when a crisis occurs. Albanian embassies should serve as centers of political, economic, cultural, and academic diplomacy. Albanian interests should be presented through documentation, arguments, and professionalism in Washington, Brussels, Berlin, London, Paris, and all capitals where decisions affecting the region are made.
And above all, we must build a new relationship with Kosovo. Albania and Kosovo should think as two states with shared strategic interests that can help one another. Cooperation must be institutional, transparent, and long-term. We need more joint economic activity, more joint education, more shared culture, and more diplomatic communication.
This is the modern meaning of national unification.
Unification does not begin only with borders.
Unification begins with knowledge.
With the economy.
With culture.
With language.
With institutions.
With diplomatic power.
With the ability to protect citizens and history.
If we build these capabilities, then the national flag will not merely be a memory of the past. It will be a symbol of a shared, democratic, and European future.
Albanians do not need to choose between national identity and European integration. We can be strong in our Albanian identity while simultaneously being European in our institutions, values, and alliances. This is the path of the twenty-first century.
Therefore, after 35 years, our task is not to turn back. Our task is to build forward.
To build a more just state.
A stronger economy.
A more powerful diplomacy.
A more modern defense system.
A higher-quality education system.
A culture more present in the world.
An Albania more closely connected with Kosovo.
And an Albanian nation that protects its identity through knowledge, law, democracy, and institutions.
The national flag has returned to Pristina.
Now we must ensure that behind it stand a strong state, a free society, a competitive economy, and a nation with a vision.
This is not only the task of politics.
It is the task of everyone.
It is the task of the generation that brought democracy.
It is the task of the new generation.
It is the task of the diaspora.
It is the task of scholars, intellectuals, entrepreneurs, military personnel, lawyers, journalists, and citizens.
Because the state we deserve will not be given to us.
We must build it.
And the time to build it is now.
By Flamur Buçpapaj
